David Hazony

Welcome to My Official Website

Have a look around. In the different tabs above and the posts collected below, you'll find my explorations of Judaism, Israel, the Bible, and more. Most of them were published in places like the Forward, Jewish Ideas Daily, Contentions, or CNN.com. A little scholarship, a little personal, at times punchy or inspirational, but all of it trying to understand how our ancient tradition can inform our lives as modern, thinking people. To invite me to speak, meet, consult, or teach, just click here. 

Introducing e-Singles at DavidHazony.com

Times have changed. We love to read, but nothing is as annoying as trying to read something longer than a blog post while staring at a computer screen with a hundred windows open. 

So now we have "e-readers," which includes not just Kindles and Nooks and the like, but also our telephones. (Waking up fifty years later, Mortimer wondered why telephones would be used for reading. Would books be used for flying?) Maybe next year you'll continue reading your favorite novel with the words splashed across your TV screen, or projected onto your bedroom ceiling. Whatever the medium, we will continue to need, and to read, longform writing.

Anyway, to help you along, I've begun making key essays of mine from over the years available on all the major e-reader formats, including Kindle and ePub. Take a look at the first three now. 

For the time being, I am making these available for free. At some point I'll begin charging a modest fee, but by then you will probably have read them all anyway. Let me know what you think!

Flytilla Fruits

First off, let me be clear that I do not condone Israel’s official use of sarcasm, wit or anything else that could be construed as more entertaining than the turgid pronouncements of native English-speaking governments. Since my childhood I have been told that government and humor don’t mix.

But in mid-April, when dozens of would-be “flytilla” protesters descending on Ben Gurion Airport from England, France, Belgium and other European countries were handed a letter on official stationery, written in an English that sounded an awful lot like that of the prime minister, few expected that their heartfelt protests would be so summarily, efficiently quashed. Most Israelis were more interested in the letter than in the protest itself, and with good reason. It was a lot more clever.

“Dear activist,” the letter teased. “We appreciate your choosing to make Israel the object of your humanitarian concerns. 

“We know there were other worthy choices,” the letter continued. “You could have chosen to protest the Syrian regime’s daily savagery against its own people, which has claimed thousands of lives.

“You could have chosen to protest the Iranian regime’s brutal crackdown on dissent and support of terrorism throughout the world… [or] Hamas rule in Gaza, where terrorist organizations commit a double war crime by firing rockets at civilians and hiding behind civilians.”

You know what comes next. “But instead you chose to protest Israel, the Middle East’s sole democracy, where women are equal, the press criticizes the government, human rights organizations can operate freely, religious freedom is protected for all, and minorities do not live in fear.”

And so, a people that escaped pogrom and persecution just to find itself grappling with terrorism, un-neighborly Palestinian self-immolation on the altar of “resistance” and the sheer insanity of life in the Middle East allowed itself a little comic relief at the expense of young upper-middle-class European protestors. Satire, it turns out, can be wielded just as ferociously by a government as by a penniless romantic ideologue quill-bearer yearning for someone else’s huddled masses to be free.

But the real point of the letter was not the laugh. 

For the repeated failures of the recent flotillas and flytillas show something essential about the “Palestinian problem.” It is a true humanitarian problem with many different responsible parties—world apathy and hypocrisy, Israeli fears and miscues and, above all, fickle and violent Palestinian leadership that cares far more about its cause than its people. It is, on the one hand, intractable—for so long as Palestinians refuse to irrevocably disavow violence, Israelis will never give them a state. On the other hand, it pales against the unthinkable, yet far more soluble, outrages across the region that have been given a bye for decades by rights organizations, world bodies and the hordes of globe-trotting humanitarian protestors.

“We therefore suggest that you first solve the real problems of the region,” the letter concludes, “and then come back and share with us your experience. Have a nice flight.”

Certainly the crafters of the letter will be accused of changing the subject. But while it adds little to the discussion of “Israel/Palestine,” a story that has never suffered from lack of coverage, the letter does suggest something useful about the activists. 

It forces the question of why a young American or European would choose to protest Israel rather than Syria or Iran or Hamas. One explanation, of course, is old-school anti-Semitism, which I’m willing for the sake of argument to grant is true only in a small minority of cases. A second is relevant mostly for Jews: For many of them, protesting Israel is less a humanitarian gesture than a way of distancing themselves, of flying with the contrarian flock, of showing the world, their parents, and themselves what they are not. 

But there’s a third explanation, equally true for Jew and non-Jew alike: That far from being the self-assertive world-changers they so desperately want to be, they are in fact the dupes of a powerful consortium of oil-rich Arab governments and global bodies that long ago turned human rights activism into a tragic parody. Other players in this game include European politicians and media outlets feeding an Israel-as-Nazi narrative that plays so well because of its puerile irony and just-shy-of-anti-Semitic undertone. And of course the Islamists who, in seeing the very existence of a free and creative society in the Middle East as a casus belli, are just easier to befriend than to fight.

“Global citizens” targeting Israel or its West Bank policies may think they are simply responding to a humanitarian wrong. But in choosing what to protest, every young activist must choose one thing and not another. In our choices, we reveal not only our priorities but also our insecurities, our distortions, our ambitions and our emotional debts. Whatever the psychology behind it, when we knowingly choose to ignore the world’s worst problems and focus our fury on Israel alone, we are no humanitarians at all.

To read the original piece at Moment Magazine, click here.

Memo to American Jews: Learn Hebrew

Somebody help me out here. Every time I visit Jewish communities in the United States, I get this weird feeling. It’s like I’m a character in somebody else’s movie. I go from one community to the next, asking all sorts of questions about what life is like for our people across the great American continent. But the curiosity only goes one way. My hosts and their friends, usually very excited about the fact that I’ve “come from Israel,” are not very interested in what it’s actually like to be Israeli. They insist that in addition to speaking about my area of expertise, I also “say something about Israel” to their synagogue. So I name a few topics — the fascinating worlds of Israeli television, nightlife, music, the courtroom scandals or spiritual struggles of our people — and then I get this blank stare. “No,” they say. “Talk about the rockets in Sderot. About this Mofaz guy. About the women on the bus.”

The subjects they want me to speak about were either never that interesting to most Israelis, those that became obviated by events, or those that had their moment in the sun and then were lost to the public eye. But the deeper things, the cutting-edge things, the zeitgeist? No thanks.

This is an enormous problem, and one that, because of the outspoken support for Israel across America, is often easy to miss. Yet there exists no greater threat to Jewish peoplehood than the cultural disconnect between Israeli and American Jews. And unlike so many of our people’s other problems, this one actually is quite simple to solve — but only if American Jews decide they want to solve it.

It used to be that movies and sitcoms would wait years after being popular in the United States before they came to Israel. Now the cultural delay seems to move in the other direction. But while American Jews have been worrying, often justifiably, about Iranian weapons and Hamas missiles, Israelis have secretly transitioned from poorly importing much of their cultural life to unselfconsciously striking out on their own, compiling and recombining and remixing and creating until things are produced that are not “Zionist” or even “Israeli,” but just whatever they are, amazing new expressions of human and machine and creative and artistic and bold. It is a culture that has become confident enough to create in other languages, as well: French and English and Russian. At its core is a small but incredibly potent Hebrew-speaking dynamo beyond anything envisioned by Ahad Ha’am or Eliezer Ben-Yehuda.

Israelis are suddenly appearing at the forefront of a whole range of previously unthinkable fields — not just medicine or military upgrades but also electronic music and fashion and television programming, avant-garde dance and wacky presidential video clips and Oscar-level filmmaking and world-leading architects and chefs and chemists. Every one of these successes sits atop a pyramid of incredible things, very little of which American Jews ever hear about, much less participate in.

Herein lies our trouble. The more time goes by in which American Jews fail to get on the Israeli-civilization bus, the less qualified they become to say anything at all about who we are and what we should or shouldn’t do.

The harsh truth is that any discourse that says “I love Israel, but I can’t stand Israelis,” “I love Israel, but could never live there,” “I love Israel, but can’t stand that horrible rabbinate, that horrible Lieberman, that horrible heat,” or, “I love Israel even though I don’t know Hebrew” — all these are variations of a single bizarre theme, a theme very different from what Jews used to be, a theme in which ignorance and love are seen as somehow compatible, in which what you’re loving isn’t really Israel at all, but your own saucy dreams.

But there is a simple solution to all this, perhaps incomplete and sure to cause many American Jews to bristle — but frankly it is the only way forward if this peoplehood thing is going to work. It’s the 800-pound falafel ball sitting in the room.

American Jews have to learn Hebrew.

Now, I can feel the umbrage. There go those Israelis again, making demands instead of just being grateful.

But is the suggestion that the study of Hebrew become a central priority in the American Jewish educational agenda really so outlandish? People used to learn languages all the time, even without having a compelling reason to do so. Growing up in American public schools, I studied French for six years. By 12th grade I’d read Molière, Camus, Voltaire and Ionesco in the original. (It was a good public school.) Later in life I was able to revive my French in a couple of months of a weekly conversation class, and after a number of brief visits to Paris I was getting by, or at least making a noble effort. The point is not to brag about my French but to point out that such an education gave me something much deeper than just lingual training. It gave me an incredible amount of insight, appreciation, respect and fondness for French culture, French thinking, French joie de vivre — a modicum of cross-civilizational understanding that was probably the point all along.

Would anyone in a million years think it reasonable to “love” France without learning French? Can you imagine how silly it would be to have French “federations” in American public life, a vast organizational apparatus aimed at helping France in its struggles, sending money to French institutions, sitting around the table talking about French politics — all of it without bothering to learn the language?

There are no good reasons that today, all self-respecting American Jews shouldn’t gain a working knowledge of Hebrew. But there are at least two overwhelming reasons that they should. Leon Wieseltier covered one of them last year, in a jaw-dropping essay called “Language, Identity, and the Scandal of American Jewry.” American Jews, Wieseltier says, have inhumanely and un-Jewishly cut themselves off from the vast oceans of their own biblical and rabbinic past because they don’t bother to relate to Hebrew the way that Western countries until recently related to Greek and Latin — as a basic building block of cultural literacy. “The assumption of American Jewry that it can do without a Jewish language,” he writes, “is an arrogance without precedent in Jewish history. And this illiteracy, I suggest, will leave American Judaism and American Jewishness forever crippled and scandalously thin…. Without Hebrew, the Jewish tradition will not disappear entirely in America, but most of it will certainly disappear.”

This is reason enough. But there is a second, no less overwhelming reason, one that focuses on the Jewish future rather than on our past. Because the time is coming very soon — if it has not already arrived — when one will not be able to fully participate in Jewish cultural life without knowing Hebrew.

This is true in part because of the sheer quantity of cultural creativity, but also because of the trends: Israel is quickly growing in wealth, population and global influence, while American Jews are, in the optimistic view, marching in place. American Jews have a great deal to contribute to the Hebrew discourse and therefore to our collective Jewish future — their tradition of tolerance and religious liberalism, their democratic experience and their philanthropic habits, to name just a few things. But they will do so only if they dispense with the ignorance-as-wisdom arrogance that locks them out of Hebrew-based culture.

I also have a hunch — I can’t really prove it — that by learning Hebrew en masse, American Jews just might find a great deal of what they’ve been looking for to help cure their own inner cultural malaise. We can’t be united by religion or geography or politics, but our common ancient language opens unlimited doors to deepening, enriching and ultimately creating new, exciting expressions of Jewish life. It will let you engage with your Bible, your Talmud, your medieval Jewish texts, without the hazy filter of translators and professional interpreters. It will let you read song lyrics and op-eds and plays at will, choose your own Israeli adventure. It will help you become, for a moment at least, an eternal Jew.

To read the original version of this piece published at the Forward, click here.

 

Love, Freedom, and Law

And now, a little bit of law. Nestled between the two mega-memes of the Revelation at Sinai and the construction of the Tabernacle, we find a weekly reading that starts with "these are the statutes (mishpatim) that you will place before them." It goes on to provide us with the basics of the Torah's civil and criminal laws. Murder, theft, animals, slaves, and the integrity of the courts all get addressed, echoing many of the central themes of the Ten Commandments, which we heard last week.

It seems so innocuous, this legalistic interlude.

But then, as happens so often in the Torah, something goes awry. Our list of laws begins not as you might expect, with killing or property (or property that kills, like the goring ox). Instead, the first statute relates to a case that is bizarre and obscure but which, we suspect, has implications for all the laws in the Torah.

So . . . you bought that Hebrew slave, right? Six years have passed and according to the rules, it's time to let him go. But there's trouble. During his stay with you, he's fallen in love with your Hebrew maidservant, and they went and had Hebrew servant-babies. As you're attempting to escort him from your property, he begins crying out. "I love my master! I love my wife and my children! I will not go out free!" (Exodus 21:5)

Trouble, yes. But the Torah offers a quick answer: The local rabbis order you to take him to the gate of your home, take your handy awl and punch a hole in the man's ear. Thus you mark him, not unlike the cows in your barn or a ticket in the hands of a bus driver, as your slave forever. Next case!

Oy. Where to begin? Of the million questions that the story conjures up, the most obvious one, I think, is this: Does it describe, in the Torah's own eyes, a positive or a negative turn of events?

For so many years, I've read this as a moral tale about the importance of valuing our own freedom. Law as lesson: One should never want to be a slave, because we were slaves in Egypt. If a man is willing to sacrifice his freedom, he deserves to be a slave forever. In like manner, the Israelites in the desert who longed for the fleshpots of Egypt ended up squandering their chance of freedom and dying in the desert. Lesson: You give up your autonomy, you have given up on your humanity as well, and are a slave forever.

Maybe it's having kids that has soured me on this reading.

The problem with the freedom-über-alles reading is this: What about love? Are we to look at the slave's commitment to his wife and children, at the howl of a man forced to choose between his freedom and his own kin, as a frivolous thing, a distraction, a wrong? Is freedom the only thing that makes us human?

In other words, our original question may now be rephrased as follows: Does the slave fail to see the larger context, tossing aside his humanity for something as trivial as love? Or is his affirmation of love the only context worth seeing?

Is the awl in the ear a punishment for choosing slavery over freedom? Or is it just an unpleasant consequence of insisting on love, a choice the slave was right to make?

And whom, we must further ask, is the law trying to protect? The owner, from future claims from freed slaves bent on reclaiming their children? The slave, from being forced to abandon his family for an abstract freedom? The wife and kids, from losing their husband and father to imposed freedom? Or is it just meant to create a disincentive for slaves to avoid starting families before they're free?

The text doesn't say a word.

Now, add to the mess the fact that this is the case that begins the Torah's whole interpretation of law. It is almost as if, by introducing all of law with this case, the Torah is trying to show us just how inadequate law is in circumscribing the totality of life. By overriding the basic command to release the slave in the face of his passion, the Torah destroys and establishes law in the same breath. In that perverse instant, all of law stands on the edge of a knife. Can any rule really resolve such a situation?

Law is about real human beings. Without man, law is but logic; with man, it is often close to farce. Yet man without law is far worse than that. This, in many ways, is the deepest conundrum surrounding the institution of law to begin with. The infinite, confounding, boundless spirit of man confronts the chilly shackles of principle. The former makes religion meaningful, the latter makes society possible; one gives our lives content, the other gives them form.

To read the original piece at Jewish Ideas Daily, click here.

 

Hands Up!

The stories in this week's reading may seem disjointed, but in fact they form a single unit. A modern editor, looking for a groovy chapter title, might have called the collection, "Ancient Israel's Bipolar Moment." Or, even more flippantly, "Hands Up!"

Let's start with the end. In the middle of the desert, after crossing the Red Sea and solving their immediate food and water problems, the Israelites are attacked by marauding Amalekites. God tells Moses to stand on a mountaintop, holding his staff up in the air for hours, as Joshua leads the forces to battle in the valley below. "When Moses held up his hand," we are told, "Israel prevailed; and when he let down his hand, Amalek prevailed."  In the end, Aaron and Hur hold up Moses' hands until nightfall, and Israel wins.

What's going on here? In isolation, the story is pretty hard to parse. But the stories that precede it are filled with precisely the kinds of radical mood swings that remind us of the raising or lowering of Moses' hands in the Amalek story. It is almost as though the Amalek war is a metaphor for everything Israel has gone through—and will continue to face in its long journey across the desert.

Our reading begins with God telling Moses of His plan to lure Pharaoh's forces into pursuit of the Israelites. By leading the Israelites south rather than on a direct route to Canaan, He will trick the Egyptians into thinking that the Israelites are lost.  Pharoah takes the bait and gives chase with six hundred chariots. The Israelites, with the Egyptian hordes behind them and the sea before them, begin to panic. "Because there were no graves in Egypt," they carp, "have you taken us away to die in the wilderness?" Moses, who has not yet learned to be patient with this people, snaps back at them: "The Lord shall fight for you, and you shall hold your peace."

Holding out his staff as a sign of spiritual reversal, Moses splits the sea and leads Israel across. Pharaoh's legions fall into the trap, chasing them into the sea and finding their own graves therein. Israel, having enjoyed God's miraculous salvation, sings a glorious song praising God's prowess. It is the still-famous "Song of the Sea." Miriam comes out afterwards, with her timbrels and women dancers. All of Israel is on a high.

And then they collapse again. The Israelites are hungry, and they take it out on Moses: "Would that we had died by the hand of the Lord in the land of Egypt, when we sat by the flesh pots, and when we ate our fill of bread." God responds patiently, raining down Manna from heaven and sending mass quantities of quail across the desert for the Israelites to eat. Moses and Aaron tell them that this should really put their murmurings to rest.

It doesn't. They get thirsty. They again assail Moses. So, God tells him to take his staff and strike the rock, ceremoniously spawning a miraculous fountain of drinkable water.  Moses called the place Massa ("tester"), "because they tempted the Lord, saying, ‘Is the Lord among us, or not?'"

Only then do we reach the war with Amalek, with Moses on the mountain, staff in the air.  After the Israelites' victory, God declares that "I will utterly blot out the remembrance of Amalek from under the heaven . . . because the Lord has sworn by his throne that the Lord will have war with Amalek from generation to generation."

This is serious stuff, made all the more bizarre by two facts. First, we haven't yet heard any reason why Amalek is so evil (the bit about their attacking our old and weak people comes later). Second, the text seems to make a connection between the external war and the Israelites' internal demons, which they have already begun to fight.

The text seems less bizarre if we remember that this story is also a metaphor for all the others. That eternal internal conflict, we come to understand, is, just like the Amalekite war, "from generation to generation." The internal conflict, too, responds to swings in success and failure, depending upon our ability to see the raised hand at the top of the mountain. We need to see that staff, that banner of victory, in our own hearts.

This is, in fact, a central theme that we've carried with us since the story of Cain and Abel. There, God tells Cain, "Don't you know that if you do well, great. If you don't do well, sin crouches at the door—but you may rule over it." Cain fails, tumbling into the abyss of self-loathing and sin and killing his own brother. But the possibility of self-redemption was always there.

So is it with the intensive oscillation between euphoria and steamy resentment, represented by Moses' impact on the battle in the valley below and, indeed, by all the other stories we read this week. The possibilities of the human spirit are endless, and they depend on us, then as now.

To read the original piece at Jewish Ideas Daily, click here.

 

Revolution in Jewish Life Called Limmud

Where will we go once the synagogues are gone?

In a Jewish religious landscape dominated by denominations struggling to compete for dollars and daveners, the idea that the three big faith streams might fade into irrelevance, supplanted by a robust “just Jewish” identity, sounds like a fantasy.

But what if it turned out that the demise of synagogue-based life is actually just around the bend — that a new generation of Members of the Tribe, enervated by treacly litanies and tired Talmudic classification, may soon figure out that the greatest sources of Jewish spiritual inspiration, intellectual growth and artistic expression (I lump them together and so can you) might come not from pulpit-pounders and the familiar rituals they command, nor even from the plaque-plagued schools that teach the cantors to cant, the professors to profess and the rabbis to rab — but from somewhere else entirely?

What if something came along that threatened to permanently dislodge the federations and foundations, with their fetes and fiscal décolletage, as the bookends holding up our sense of collective self, and put the core of Jewish identity back where it was always meant to be — in direct engagement with content?

I’m talking about Limmud.

Before I take another step, a disclaimer: In exchange for my giving four talks and participating in two panels over the weeklong Limmud conference in Coventry, United Kingdom, this past December, the folks who ran it were kind enough to fly me there and give me a bed to sleep in. But I’ve had far more lucrative speaking engagements and never once wrote about them afterward. Indeed, I was on such a high when Limmud finished on December 29 that I decided to wait a bit before writing, just to make sure the Kool-Aid had passed through my system.

For those of you permanently stationed in Antarctica, Limmud is an annual multi-day conference of Jewish learning. Since it started in the U.K. three decades ago, it has spread to communities around the world. But the British Limmud Conference remains the original, the biggest and — in my view — the most threatening to established Jewish life.

A few numbers: more than 2,500 participants; 400 presenters, including some of the most influential scholars, journalists, rabbis, artists and institutional leaders in Israel and the Diaspora; 1,000 different sessions. As one of the organizers told me, you can meet someone the first day and literally not see that person again until the closing event. Every hour of every day, if you are not presenting, you’ll need to make the impossible choice among at least two or three simultaneous sessions (out of about 20) that you have defined as must-see, or spend an hour chatting with some extremely interesting people you’ve always wanted to meet. For someone who doesn’t boggle easy, it was boggling — and enchanting.

There are a few unstated principles that make Limmud glow. One is that the mind and the spirit, the body and the soul, are one. Social, religious and intellectual stimuli are mixed inseparably. In addition to the classes going on, there is a cavernous, cacophonous central commons filled with hundreds of chairs and tables and couches for the never-ending conversations that Limmud triggers. During the day, coffee and cookies and live jazz flow freely. At night, beer on tap and harder stuff transform it into an English pub. (Still later at night, they bring out the kosher burgers as, well, a kind of exclamation point on the whole day.) This rejection of the Platonic separation of mind, spirit and body applies to the sessions, as well, which range from panels to lectures to seminars to performances to workshops. You can attend a session on “Aikido and the Talmud,” on Israel’s “cottage cheese rebellion” or on heavier questions of prayer, Zionism, philosophy, demography, dance or poetry. Or just join some people hanging out with a guitar and lighting Hanukkah candles.

Second, your place of work does not appear on your nametag. Neither do markers of formal hierarchy of knowledge, like “professor” and “rabbi.” This is because Limmud’s conceivers have realized that by developing a deferential rather than a creative atmosphere, such titles can encourage other people to plead ignorance rather than cure it by taking their learning into their own hands. The suspicion at Limmud, in other words, is that titles and affiliations, when tossed into a bubbling cauldron of intellectual ferment, can often do more harm than good.

And the third, and perhaps most beguiling, principle: There are almost no professional Limmudniks. While the international Limmud body’s paid staff is minimal, the volunteers run the conference almost exclusively. Participation fees cover more than half of the conference’s budget. There is a glaring absence of freebies. Which means that Limmud is largely immune to the pressures of philanthropic organizations and professional-caste standards. It is open-source Judaism: People there can chart their course, thankfully ignorant of what is expected of them — making contacts, coming up with ideas, changing their lives. In the process, Limmud is developing a powerful, unique brand unlike anything seen in the Jewish world in a generation.

Which is why Limmud may end up overturning the apple cart of Jewish life.

It’s not just a nice getaway; it’s by far the most interesting thing happening in Jewish life. It is more spiritual than synagogue, more challenging than yeshiva, more fun than youth groups, more effective than day school, more creative than Jewish community centers, more intellectual than grad school. Or at least it has the potential to be all these things, depending on who is leading a session, who is in the audience and who is on the other side of your Guinness at any given moment. That potential is evident every moment of the conference, and it leaves you wondering where, exactly, all this energy and identity has been all your life.

The main challenges for Limmud, it seems, are now twofold. First, it must find a way to successfully replicate the experience I just witnessed in places other than England. Although “Limmud” conferences have popped up around the world, not all of them have re-created the magic of Limmud-U.K. or followed its set of principles. Keeping the brand meaningful will be hard.

But more important, Limmud will have to find the appropriate way to extend that experience into the rest of the year. Critics have likened the conferences to summer camp, where the shortness of the period and the unreality of the environment make fantasies come true, but is much harder to translate into real life.

The thing is, I went to summer camp. The best ones aren’t stand-alone but are connected with youth movements, where the whole point is not the summer experience as much as finding a way to carry the enthusiasm through the year — local club meetings, biannual conventions and more. What my own camp experience taught me was that it was anything but an unreal bubble. It was the highlight of a whole year of redoubled expectations. And eventually it became the engine that drove my identity. In the end, the camping experience contributed decisively to my decision to make aliyah. And I am far from alone.

But regardless of how Limmud evolves, its effects will soon be felt across the Diaspora and in Israel, as well. Limmud is not just a name, but also a style, an attitude and, at its best, a hope. This is what revolutions look like; if you find it hard to believe, it’s because Diaspora Jewry hasn’t seen one in a long time.

To read the original piece at the Forward, click here.

Israel's Upcoming Election

Elections are in the air—and not just in the United States. In December, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu called for early primaries in his Likud Party, a likely indicator that he may dissolve the Knesset sometime in 2012 and call a general election. The ball has begun to roll.

Some commentators will point to this move as proof of Netanyahu’s weak hold on his conservative coalition. They are wrong. In the two decades since I moved to Israel, I’ve never seen a coalition so stable. In fact, the move shows Netanyahu’s strength. In the Israeli system, it is always better to call elections than to have them foisted on you, to pick the optimal moment rather than scramble to get ready. Whoever makes the elections happen gets the jump on the campaign and looks like the one in charge. Even the rumor of elections creates a dynamic in which every party digs in on ideological issues, trying to appeal to prospective voters. So once the Prime Minister sends out the election vibe, it’s usually just a matter of time. 

A primer of likely political developments in 2012: 

1. The demise of Kadima. It’s been a fun ride, but Kadima’s days as the main opposition party are over. The party that was founded on the strength of Ariel Sharon’s personality, and his determination to withdraw from the Gaza Strip over his own Likud party’s objections, found unexpected life after Sharon’s departure for a simple reason: There are hundreds of thousands of Israelis on the left who, despite having abandoned the peace camp in light of the second intifada, nonetheless could never stomach voting for Likud. That was enough to give Kadima a huge mandate despite having no clear ideology, charismatic leadership, governing experience or (post-disengagement) clear policies. 

That grace period is over—thanks in part to the coalition tactics of Netanyahu. By bringing the Labor Party, then headed by Ehud Barak, into the government, Netanayahu effectively outflanked Kadima on the left, creating a pincer movement that left Kadima unable to offer a plausible alternative. Their fall will set the stage for:

2. The return of Labor as a viable governing party. The evisceration of Kadima was so thorough that it has had a radical, unintended consequence: the effective disenfranchisement of hundreds of thousands of left-leaning Israelis. For if the purpose of an opposition is to give voice (and therefore release) to whole parts of the country dissatisfied with government, in Israel there has been no such voice. The result: The eruption of a massive protest movement that filled the streets with tents, concerts and (frankly) a lot of fun and silliness throughout the summer. The Israeli social justice movement, in other words, was primarily an expression brought about by the lack of politicians speaking for left-leaning middle-class Israelis struggling to get by.

That is, until along came Shelly Yachimovich, the former talk radio star who, during 2011, won the Labor Party election for chairman and became the real leader of the opposition. A fast-talking, young-sounding standard-bearer for progressive causes, Yachimovich did the one thing no Labor leader in a generation has dared to do: She convincingly put social justice, rather than the peace process, at the top of her agenda. By dropping the blame-settlements-first attitude of her predecessors, she has been able to win back the masses of ex-Laborites who left in droves because of the failures of Oslo, disengagement and the peace camp. According to polls, Labor will be the number two party in Israel after the next election.

3. The staying power of Likud. Despite the above, Likud under Netanyahu has made itself a political force that will be difficult to defeat in an election. While the farther-right parties will probably remain stable, polls have Likud increasing its Knesset representation. Why? Two big factors: 

First, the economy. Despite the social-justice rallies, the fact is that a decade of responsibility in both fiscal and monetary policy has helped Israel sidestep the West’s economic turmoil and turned it into its most promising economy. Although these policies have been undertaken by successive governments and Bank of Israel chairmen, most Israelis credit Netanyahu, who instituted key reforms as finance minister in 2003-2005. 

Second, security. Israelis have rarely enjoyed a period so thoroughly devoid of major terrorism or full-scale military conflict as in the nearly three years since Netanyahu took office—whether despite or because of Likud’s hawkish stance. True, there hasn’t been much progress in negotiations with the Arab world, either. But in a country where no news is almost always good news, a prolonged period of non-war and non-peace will inevitably work in the favor of the incumbent. 

There are other factors as well. With Ehud Barak cut off from Labor, Netanyahu is today the only present or former Prime Minister in a major party—creating a huge gap of political experience between Likud and everyone else. Bringing Gilad Shalit home didn’t hurt, either.

So when will it happen? The Likud bylaws say primaries have to happen at least six months before an election. So I would guess around September—before Americans vote. And Netanyahu will again have chosen stability, and the relatively quiet summer news cycle, over chaos.

To read the original piece at Moment Magazine, click here.

Zealotry and Tolerance

The time of patriarchs was reaching its end. Jacob was dying, and alongside his dictation of burial arrangements, he also gave final words to his twelve sons, words in which he would tell them "what will befall you in the end of days." We usually read them as his final "blessings." But in the case of two sons, Simeon and Levi, they are assuredly curses.

Simeon and Levi are brothers; instruments of cruelty are their swords. Let my soul not come into their council; to their assembly let my honor not be united. For in their anger they slew a man, and in their willfulness they lamed an ox. Cursed be their anger, for it was fierce; and their wrath, for it was cruel. I will divide them in Jacob, and scatter them in Israel. (49:1–4)

Jacob knew full well the power of a father's deathbed will: He had caused unspeakable pain to be inflicted on his brother Esau through words much milder than these. But the actions of Simeon and Levi, who deceived and slaughtered the men of Shechem in retaliation for the rape of their sister Dina, were too much for Jacob to suffer.

Does the Bible endorse Jacob's view? Not necessarily. While Simeon's offspring ultimately descend into historical irrelevance, the Levites become the guardians of the Temple, priests to God, teachers of the people.

This is not a small problem in the text. The stories of the twelve brothers are meant to tell us something about the fate of the tribes they sired. If Jacob's curse on Levi doesn't come true, it raises the possibility that he deeply misunderstood at least one of his own sons.

To unravel the mess, we need to reread the saga of Simeon and Levi, as individuals and tribes, as a five-act play. It's a story of extremism, zealotry, and violence—and the difficulty in telling right from wrong in the high-stakes game of the love of God.

Act 1: Shechem. After the king of Shechem helps himself to Jacob's only daughter Dina, Simeon and Levi conspire to vanquish the whole city. They pretend to cut a deal in which the Shechemites first circumcise themselves, and will then be allowed to marry Israelite women. They agree, and when they are at the height of their physical weakness, the brothers kill them all. Jacob is livid, on the grounds that all the other peoples will descend upon him and his family. The brothers respond, "Should he deal with our sister as with a harlot?" And here things get strange.

The brothers' retort is left hanging in the air, at the very least suggesting they have fought to a draw. Later on, it becomes clear that Jacob's fears were unfounded: "The terror of God was upon the cities that were round about them, and they did not pursue after the sons of Jacob." We are left with a sense that Jacob's judgment is not the same as that of the text itself.

Act 2: The Curse. In this week's reading, Jacob curses Simeon and Levi, calling them "brothers"—the emphasis suggesting that he saw them as identical to each other, motivated principally by anger, deserving the same fate.

Act 3: The Test. Generations later, in the wake of the Golden Calf in the book of Exodus, Moses famously calls out "Whoever is with the Lord, come with me!" Only the Levites come to Moses' side, and they slay two thousand Israelites with the sword as retribution and purification of the camp. Simeon's tribe, for all its presumptive bloodlust, is nowhere to be found. And so, at a crucial moment, we discover that while Levi and Simeon may both have indulged in violence, their deeper nature was in fact different.  To put it bluntly, Levites are zealots for the Lord, while Simeonites are thugs.

The Levites are rewarded with the priesthood. It's a double-edged reward: Their violent zealotry, so repugnant to Jacob, is channeled away from physical violence and towards extreme ritual, where any mistake can mean death, but where the consequences are purely religious. They are to be left out of military affairs and without land of their own. Their violence neutralized, their zealotry can be expressed in a more useful manner.

Act 4: The Last Battle. To make the point clear, in Numbers we find the head of the tribe of Simeon, Zimri ben Salu, publicly bedding the daughter of the king of Midian—an act not just of licentiousness but, in context, of idolatry as well. With Moses and Aaron standing by, powerless to stop it, Aaron's grandson Pinhas, heir to the leadership of the Levite priests, hurls his javelin through Zimri and his concubine, killing them both. This is the final act of Levite violence, and it is aimed at none other than the chief of Simeon. Zealotry takes out thuggery, Levi defeats Simeon once and for all, thereby distinguishing himself and disproving Jacob's claim that they are "brothers."

Act 5: The Inheritance. In the book of Joshua, upon entry into the Promised Land, the Levites receive just the minimal land around urban centers and are teachers of God's word and servants in the Temple. In this sense only, Jacob's curse comes true. Simeon, on the other hand, is lost to history, his descendants unable to find a coherent piece of territory and utterly subsumed into Judah.

The message of all this? Our human world is a complex one, with some people built for the nasty business of diplomacy, nuance, and gracious maneuvering; while others are preternaturally primed for ideological purity, simplicity of principle, and extremity of action. Jacob was clearly the former, and had no room in his world for Levi. Somehow, however, biblical religion did make room for the Levite, not just by giving a place of honor and productive purpose to his otherwise uncontrolled zealotry—but also in requiring that the rest of us take care not only of the poor and orphaned, but also the "Levite in our gates"—as well as their spiritual heirs, the zealots, mystics, absolutists and other difficult individuals who, in spite of everything, are entrusted to our care.

To read the original at Jewish Ideas Daily, click here.

Joseph's Torture

How to make sense of Joseph?

This week we learn of his nearly pathological efforts to ensnare, baffle, accuse, imprison, and shame his brothers—the same brothers who, decades earlier, sold him into slavery. Now he is Grand Vizier of Egypt, and he gets a chance to show them who's boss.

A famine has struck the region. Jacob hears there is grain to be bought in Egypt, and sends ten of his remaining eleven sons down. Three full chapters carry us from their initial appearance before Joseph asking for grain, until the story's surprising dénouement. In between, Joseph is portrayed as conniving, self-centered, and cruel—but also confused and curiously human.

Upon seeing his brothers, Joseph hatches a plan. He disguises himself and pretends not to recognize them, and accuses them of being spies. He will sell them grain, but to prove their good intentions, they will have to leave one of them, Simeon, behind as a prisoner, while they return to their home and bring back Benjamin, the one who stayed behind with Jacob. On the way, the brothers mysteriously find that the money they paid for the grain has reappeared in their sacks. Then, after they arrive home and the grain has again run out, famine forces Jacob to give in, and he allows Benjamin to head to Egypt with the brothers. This time, Joseph releases Simeon and gives them all a feast, "miraculously" seating them in order of age.

When they set off again, they are stopped by Joseph's guard, who has secretly planted his boss' goblet in Benjamin's sack. Joseph, having framed Benjamin, imprisons him and claims he won't release him at all, while the others are free to go. Finally, Judah makes a plea that such a tragic turn will destroy their father, and Joseph loses his composure, bursts into tears, and reveals himself.

To understand this story, we need to first note that all along, Joseph is driven by two conflicting, powerful forces: the insistence that his dreams have divine meaning, and his passionate commitment to his family. In the end, and after months of misery, the latter wins out over the former—and this sends a powerful message to the world.

First: Are dreams a form of revelation? Joseph clearly believes they are. It is on this premise that his entire meteoric rise from prison to power in Egypt, depicted this week as well, rests. When Pharaoh's imprisoned ex-aides need their dreams interpreted, Joseph asks rhetorically, "Do not interpretations belong to God?" (40:8)—and then he interprets them himself. Later, when interpreting Pharaoh's own dreams, he says more than once, "God has declared to Pharaoh what he is about to do" (41:25). The point here is not that Joseph is arrogant. He succeeds in Egypt precisely because his interpretations prove accurate; they really do seem to be a vehicle for prophecy.

And so, when his brothers, who want to ward off the famine that Joseph accurately saw in Pharaoh's dreams, appear before him, Joseph undertakes to make sure his own childhood dreams come true. "And Joseph remembered the dreams he had dreamed about them." (42:9) Those dreams, we'll recall, had his brothers and parents symbolically prostrating themselves to him. Joseph embarks on a complex scheme to make them reality. For if Pharaoh's dreams are prophecy, and so are those of his servants, then shouldn't the same hold true for his own?

Throughout all this, however, there's another, contradictory force at play, an overwhelming emotion roiling beneath the surface and confounding his plans. Time after time, Joseph has to step aside and control his tears. Time and again he asks after his father's well-being. Something is bubbling up—something that wants to stop the charade and call out, as Joseph finally does, "I am Joseph—is my father alive? . . . I am Joseph your brother."

In Joseph's inner conflict, it turns out, lies the inner particle accelerator, the nuclear reactor core, of religion. On the one hand, you have the imposition of truth from above, the divine revelation, the theory of what should and can be that is born of abstract or metaphysical ideas. These are symbolized by Joseph's commitment to the dreams. On the other, you have the truth that seems inherent in our world, that is transmitted by tradition, that includes blood loyalties and commitment to family. These are symbolized by Joseph's constant need to cry when talking to his own kin.

The entire history of religion can be boiled down to this secret, inner tension (or even contradiction) between revelation and tradition. We see it in modern Judaism, when, for example, many Reform Jews abandon their own belief in radical non-observance in favor of a more accepting and flexible approach to classical Jewish practice. And we see it as well in the many ultra-Orthodox Jews who adopt ever more clever new stringencies that have no basis in tradition whatsoever.

Sometimes reason poses as tradition; sometimes the reverse. The question of which of these carries God's message, or what is the most divine combination of the two, is never addressed head-on, for to ask it is to admit the single fact that threatens all organized religion to its very core—namely, that we might actually have no reliable sense of what God wants of us at all.

In our story, Joseph ultimately sacrifices his beliefs, his theories, and his revelation to a truth much more compelling: the love for his father and brothers. And while in many cases revelation trumps tradition and family loyalty, here the Bible—that paragon of top-down, revelatory texts—seems to go the other way entirely.

To read the original piece at Jewish Ideas Daily, click here.

A Dissenting View on "Aba-Gate"

This is a difficult moment for American Jews.

To wake up and discover, as did the Forward’s Gal Beckerman, that the Israeli Ministry of Absorption is actively trying to convince Israeli expatriates living in the U.S. that they should come back to Israel by dramatizing the risk of assimilation of their kids and grandkids — this is a cause for outrage.

Gal is not alone. Writing in The Atlantic, Jeffrey Goldberg is appalled. “I don’t think I have ever seen a demonstration of Israeli contempt for American Jews as obvious as these ads,” he writes. Over at the Daily Beast, Allison Yarrow calls the ads “pandering” and “ham-handed,” drawing the conclusion that “many Israeli writers, thought-leaders, politicians, and rabbis believe assimilated American Jews are not Jews at all.”

Don’t get me wrong. These critics are probably right about the infelicity of the ads. I doubt the Ministry of Immigrant Absorption had any inkling of what it was getting itself into — or why they neglected to realize that these ads would drive American Jews bananas.

Yet in the hysteria of the response, the insecurity of American Jewish life is laid bare. This, rather than the campaign itself, is the real story.

Say what you will about the political wisdom, the fear-mongering, and so forth, on the part of the Israelis. The fact is, at the heart of the campaign lies a truth too painful for many American Jews to handle: That the chances of one’s grandkids ending up identifying as Jewish are indeed significantly higher in Israel than they are in the U.S. — and that this is important in thinking about our future. I really do believe that if American Jews were to step outside their own emotions for just a moment, to stop changing the subject and actually focus on the issue being raised, they’d admit that, seen from an Israeli perspective, the fear expressed in these ads is, to a large extent, quite justified.

But most of them can’t, because it’s the Israeli perspective itself that they find so threatening — that same Israeli challenge that for generations has been suggesting that having our own country is better for us spiritually, culturally, and physically, than not having one. Suddenly, people who usually champion Jewish self-criticism circle their wagons. Remember the outrage when the author A.B. Yehoshua likened Jewish identity in the diaspora to a jacket that can be taken off at will? Sorry, Jeffrey Goldberg, this has nothing to do with Netanyahu (as he implies in his headline), for assimilation of American Jewry troubles Israelis on the left just as much as those on the right.

The hyper-sensitivity to criticism is unfortunate, because these ads inadvertently offer a real opportunity for discussion among American Jews, who should be desperate for new perspectives on their future, wherever they may come from. And so, as a public service, I toss out the following smoke bombs — a list of potentially offensive statements that could legitimately be seen as deducible from the American Jewish outrage, but whose central aim is to stoke a more fruitful debate:

1. Many American Jews, who justify saying the most outrageous things about Israel on the grounds that “self-criticism” among Jews is good, cannot handle criticism of them coming from Israel — even if that criticism is implicit and made in Hebrew. Instead of asking whether there’s truth to the criticism, they reflexively guffaw at Israeli “ham-handedness” (love it!) and blame Netanyahu.

2. Many American Jews, suddenly realizing that there exists another Jewish perspective that is judging them, cannot stand having their assimilation statistics revealed or discussed by others “in public,” as it were.

3. Many American Jews have so little historical self-awareness, or cultural coherence, that they must express their outrage in places like the Atlantic and the Daily Beast, for fear that otherwise most Jews will not read them. What does that say about Jewish identity in America?

4. Many American Jews cannot imagine that there’s something really special in Israeli identity, and that Israelis are right to try and protect it by discouraging this new form of intermarriage. The very idea sends a shiver down the American Jewish spine — but isn’t it based on the very same cultural protectiveness that causes American Jewish leaders to discourage the old kind of intermarriage, with non-Jews?

5. Many American Jews cannot countenance the possibility that the time of their leadership of world Jewry is reaching its end, or that the main language of Jewish culture, of music and literature and poetry and film, has shifted from English to Hebrew, or that the richest experiences of Jewish life today are happening overseas. Faced with actual criticism from any non-American Jews, they blow a fuse at the thought of losing the leading role.

These ads are ill-thought out. But a secure, self-assured, thriving Jewish culture would have just shrugged them off. Instead, we get responses that are totally out of whack — suggesting that the Israelis really stepped on a live wire in the American Jewish psyche.

So hey, American Jews, consider this a wake-up call. It’s too easy to change the subject, to blame Netanyahu or the “clinical-sounding” Ministry of Immigrant Absorption for that uncomfortable feeling you get when Jews in other countries look at your numbers and worry about our collective future. But it’s just a mirror to your own “willingness to criticize Israel.” It reflects that same level of mutual Jewish concern, the same parochial yet profound wish for a vibrant, unified Jewish civilization — the same dream that grows more distant every day.

To read the original post at the Forward, click here.